Fatah strives to maintain legitimacy amid operations against armed factions in Jenin

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Abbas’s conundrum - any action taken by the Palestinian Authority against terror groups in the West Bank only strengthens them further, perhaps even at the expense of Fatah.

By OHAD MERLIN DECEMBER 26, 2024 15:59
 Egyptian Presidency / Handout/Anadolu via Getty Images) Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas attends the 11th Summit of the Developing 8 Countries (D-8) held in Cairo, the capital of Egypt on December 19, 2024. (photo credit: Egyptian Presidency / Handout/Anadolu via Getty Images)

Fatah, the main actor leading the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) and the Palestinian Authority (PA), is making great efforts to maintain its legitimacy on the Palestinian street, especially amid the ongoing operation by its forces against Palestinian armed factions in the Jenin refugee camp who are affiliated with the Islamic Jihad.

The rare operation, taking place undoubtedly under an Israeli green light, is currently entering its third week. As part of the operation, hundreds of Palestinian Authority security forces are operating against dozens of Palestinian terrorists affiliated with the Islamic Jihad, specifically in the Jenin refugee camp, leading to the arrest of dozens and the confiscation and neutralization of explosives and weapons. Several officers from the Palestinian security apparatus were also killed during the armed clashes, while calls of Palestinian terrorist organizations also echoed to ‘mobilize in large numbers’ and confront the PA’s security apparatus, including groups such as Hamas, the Islamic Jihad and the PFLP.

According to a poll conducted by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research and published in June of this year, 54% of Palestinians mentioned that they favored armed struggle against Israel, and 40% of them support Hamas, while only 20% support Fatah. Likewise, over 60% supported the dissolution of the PA, and almost 90% wished for Abbas to resign his office as President.

FATAH MEMBERS carry their weapons during a military parade at the Askar refugee camp, on the outskirts of Nablus, in July. (credit: NASSER ISHTAYEH/FLASH90)

Since the time leading to the signing of the Oslo Accords and certainly after the signing of the agreements, the dovish wing of Fatah has been consistently challenged both by the hawkish wing and by other organizations such as Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and the PFLP, which have sought to thwart the process of dialogue with Israel at all costs.

Despite the centralized rule throughout most of the West Bank of the Palestinian Authority, whose main leading actor is Fatah, the militant position calling for armed struggle against Israel enjoys broader support in the Palestinian street and even within Fatah’s own ranks, and therefore those who oppose the current operation seek to paint the PA as a collaborator with Israel and even as a doer of its bidding.

Efforts at reestablishing legitimacy

Faced with this delegitimization, Fatah is investing enormous efforts to reestablish its legitimacy among the Palestinian street: from advocacy videos of women handing out flowers to members of the PA’s security apparatus and thanking them for “defending them,” to images of tribal dignitaries in Hebron, a city many of whose residents clearly identify with Hamas, holding Fatah flags. The movement also organizes demonstrations of strength with the movement’s iconic yellow flags, and sends its activists and supporters on social media to call Fatah and the Palestinian Authority the “only Palestinian legitimacy.” These efforts are very noticeable and essentially testify Fatah’s fear of losing its grip on the Palestinian street, in light of what might be perceived as aligning itself with Israel in the war against Palestinian terrorists.

The Palestinian Authority’s announcement of its intentions to ban Al-Jazeera’s broadcasts, after accusing the Qatari channel of “inciting” coverage against the security apparatus, must also be understood in this context. Fatah even sent a letter to the channel’s employees in the West Bank, urging them to leave the “partisan” channel that “destroyed the Arab world... and spreads lies in the media space while supporting lawless people” - all of this as part of an attempt to combat the poor image that has stuck with the veteran Palestinian organization.As opposed to the now banal infighting between the PA and Hamas, the PA’s adversaries in its current campaign are the Islamic Jihad (PIJ), a designated Palestinian terrorist organization inspired by the Khomeinian revolution in Iran, who boasts tense relations with both Hamas and the PA for varying reasons. Notedly, the PIJ is responsible for dozens of terrorist attacks over the years, and even took an active part in the October 7 Massacre, apparently still holding Israeli hostages in the Gaza Strip.

The armed factions oppose the Palestinian Authority’s rule and its fight against armed factions. The leader of the Palestinian Authority, Mahmoud Abbas, has spoken positively on several occasions in the past regarding security coordination with Israel, even calling it “sacred”, a statement that earned him ridicule and sharp criticism from his opponents. Even now, those opposing the PA’s current operation refer mockingly to their security forces as the “Spy Authority” or the “Dayton Apparatus”, named after Keith Dayton, a former US military official who helped establish and develop the PA’s security forces.

The current battles between the Palestinian Authority forces and the armed groups should be understood against the background of this constant tension, but also against the background of the question of the ‘day after the war’, a question deemed more and more relevant as a ceasefire deal nears. Through carrying out this operation in this specific timing, it is plausible that Mahmoud Abbas is trying to prove to the world, to Israel, and to the incoming US administration, that his ability to impose order by force remains intact, perhaps as a signal towards his intentions in the Gaza Strip.

Nevertheless, judging by the impact on social media, the impression that emerges is that, despite these great efforts led by Fatah, their attempts to improve the PA’s image are not particularly successful, and any action against Palestinian groups that engage in armed struggle seems to actually strengthen these groups even more – maybe even at the expense of Fatah.


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Fatah leader Abbas, who has been acting as PA chairman for almost two decades, will celebrate his 90th birthday in less than a year. Judging by the discussed polls and online trends, leaders of Fatah should perhaps be asking themselves not only what will happen in Gaza on the day after Hamas, but rather what will happen in the West Bank ahead of the day after Abbas.

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