4 hours ago
3
ARTICLE AD BOX
Dermer—known for his deep personal and political alignment with Netanyahu—adds a more overtly political dimension to the hostage talks.
By HERB KEINON FEBRUARY 4, 2025 20:17 Updated: FEBRUARY 4, 2025 21:01
Ron Dermer in 2019.
(photo credit: Alex Wong/Getty Images)
Back in November, veteran Channel 12 commentator Amnon Abramovich – whose antipathy toward Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is on regular display – had this to say about Strategic Affairs Minister Ron Dermer, Netanyahu’s right-hand man and trusted confidant:
“I don’t think he knows the difference between [singers] Arik Einstein or Zohar Argov, or Shoshana Damari or Chava Alberstein, or who [former soccer stars] Shia Glazer or Nahum Stelmach were, or the difference between Amos Kenan and Amos Oz… Ron Dermer doesn’t know where Rafah is, and if you put him in Nir Oz, he doesn’t know how to get home.”
Abramovich’s gripe: the American-born and raised Dermer did not grow up in Israel, did not serve in the army (because when he made aliyah, those of his age were not being called up), did not absorb Israeli pop culture from an early age, and, as such, is not “deeply Israeli.” Therefore, Abramovich argued, he is unfit for the pivotal role he plays in the current government.
Abramovich, then, must be going bonkers over reports that Dermer will be replacing Mossad head David Barnea and Israel Security Agency (Shin Bet) head Ronen Bar as the lead negotiator in the ongoing talks over a hostage and ceasefire deal – just as the process enters its most critical stage.
Abramovich is not the only one. Since Channel 12 reported on the development Saturday night, speculation has swirled over what the expected appointment means and signals.
Some, including some relatives of hostages, argue that Netanyahu – facing a choice between moving forward with the second phase of the deal, which would bring all remaining hostages home but also end the war and require an IDF withdrawal from Gaza (a move that could prompt Religious Zionist Party leader Bezalel Smotrich to bring down the government), or resuming the war in Gaza on March 1 at the conclusion of the first phase – has made his decision. In their view, he is opting to scuttle the second phase and resume the war.
And, they charge, he is doing so because he prioritizes his political survival over the lives of the hostages.
Replacing the negotiators
In this telling, Netanyahu wants to replace Barnea and Bar – who were instrumental in putting together the current deal and reportedly favor moving forward and completing the second phase – with someone whose thinking is more closely aligned with his own.
However, it is worth noting that from the outset of the war, Dermer has supported hostage deals. He backed the first agreement in November 2023 and also endorsed the proposal unveiled by then-president Joe Biden in May. To lump Dermer, as some have, together with Smotrich or Otzma Yehudit’s leader Itamar Ben-Gvir – who have opposed deals – is a mistake.
What, then, is the significance of replacing Barnea with Dermer?
Stay updated with the latest news!
Subscribe to The Jerusalem Post Newsletter
First, it signals a broader approach to the negotiations. While Barnea focused primarily on the hostage situation, Dermer’s role is expected to extend beyond that, encompassing a wider range of issues – including potential normalization with Saudi Arabia – that will inevitably factor into discussions about Gaza’s future once the hostages are released.
Second, it points to a more US-centric approach in the talks.
Barnea cultivated strong contacts and had a good rapport with the Qataris, while Bar maintained solid ties with the Egyptians. However, no one in the Israeli government has a closer relationship with key figures in the Trump administration, including with Trump himself, than Dermer. He built these extraordinary connections as Israel’s ambassador to Washington from 2013 to 2021.
If, as appears increasingly likely, the US – and possibly Trump personally – will take on a more significant role in the negotiations, having Dermer engage directly with the US team is a strategic advantage.
According to some reports, Mideast envoy Steve Witkoff has made clear that he would prefer to work with Dermer, knowing that because of Dermer’s close ties with Netanyahu, speaking with Dermer is almost like talking with the prime minister himself. The same cannot be said of Barnea or Bar, whose relationships with Netanyahu are of a far different nature.
Dermer’s closeness to Netanyahu and the sense his interlocutors got when speaking to him that he was speaking with the full authority of the prime minister is what made him an effective ambassador in Washington.
Third, Dermer – known for his deep personal and political alignment with Netanyahu – adds a more overtly political dimension to the hostage talks.
He is uniquely positioned to convey Netanyahu’s political considerations and constraints to US negotiators in a way that Barnea or Bar may not be able – or willing – to do. Also, Dermer’s appointment would signal a shift from Barnea’s intelligence-focused approach to the talks to a greater emphasis on diplomatic and political considerations.
It is as yet unclear whether this shift at the top is a calculated attempt to derail the second phase of the hostage deal or a strategic recalibration to widen the lens and make the hostages return, the end of the war, and the future rehabilitation of Gaza into a much larger and more comprehensive Mideast agreement that includes Saudi-Israeli normalization. Dermer is well-equipped to deal with the latter scenario.
If it goes through, Dermer’s appointment is clearly no minor bureaucratic reshuffle. Instead, it would inject a stronger political and diplomatic dimension into the talks – at least from the Israeli side – and reinforce the prime minister’s direct control over the process.
English (US) ·