Israel’s diplomatic struggles: Hasbara, antisemitism, and the need for clear strategy

The main address for hasbara should be the Foreign Affairs Ministry. Israel Katz replaced Eli Cohen to become minister.

By TOVA HERZL NOVEMBER 17, 2024 01:05

NEWLY-APPOINTED Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar (right) takes over from outgoing foreign minister and current Defense Minister Israel Katz, at the Foreign Ministry in Jerusalem, earlier this month. (photo credit: YONATAN SINDEL/FLASH90)

When Israelis encounter international criticism of our country, many respond in exasperation: “Where is the hasbara?” and/or shrug it off as “antisemitism!” 

True, antisemitism recently raised its head; hatred of Jews always adapted to the prevalent discourse. When it is religious, we caused Jesus’ death. During contagion, we spread plagues. If it is economic, Jews are exploitative capitalists while paradoxically also communists. Now that human rights are at the forefront, the Jewish state is their primary abuser.

As for hasbara, I am not familiar with comparable usage in other languages. It literally means “explanation” but contains information, public advocacy, and propaganda, and is viewed as a magic potion – if only hasbara would do its job, all would be well. However, it is not possible to explain everything and what is explicable requires resources, which are in short supply.

The main address for hasbara should be the Foreign Affairs Ministry. Israel Katz replaced Eli Cohen to become minister. Even their greatest supporters will agree that it was not the diplomatic skills of Cohen or Katz that placed them in Abba Eban’s chair, but rather the power they wield in the Likud Central Committee.

Likewise, purely political considerations were behind the recent appointment of Gideon Sa’ar to the post. In addition, the ministry suffers ongoing abuse, which has grown under Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. It’s as though when he is at the country’s helm, carefully selected and meticulously trained diplomats are not necessary.

Eylon Levy speaks during a rally calling for the release of Israelis held hostage by Hamas terrorists in Gaza, at ''Hostage Square'' in Tel Aviv, May 18, 2024. (credit: AVSHALOM SASSONI/FLASH90)

Thus, chunks of the ministry are regularly sliced away to answer political needs. A 2020 report by the state ombudsman warned that functions that should be under its control are spread among 40 different governmental agencies, some of their activities overlap, and there is no guiding hand or strategic vision.  

Israel’s diplomatic crisis

Take the Diaspora Affairs and Combating Antisemitism Ministry. There is no single way to act against hatred of Jews; it requires varying interaction with Jewish communities, governments, legislators, media, religious leaders, academia, students, and others. Three dozen workers in a small ministry cannot have the skills and knowledge that have accumulated in the Foreign Ministry and its missions abroad, and which enable them to adapt the modus operandi to specific local needs.

BUDGETS HAVE also been eviscerated. In the five years preceding the aforementioned report, Israel’s budget grew by 25% while the Foreign Ministry lost 14%. To those who think: “Let these cocktail-guzzling diplomats finally do some work,” allow me to share my experience as ambassador in South Africa, a large country whose influence extends beyond the continent.

During the Second Intifada, at the beginning of the millennium, including the infamous UN World Conference Against Racism in Durban, my diplomatic staff was: my deputy. One person, and the embassy was also accredited to five neighboring countries.

But let us assume that Israel had enough well-staffed and generously budgeted diplomatic missions, and the Foreign Ministry was helmed by top-class ministers. Would that help? Partly.

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It would be possible to focus more on matters of principle, such as the justification of Zionism. It would be possible to deepen international awareness of matters like the horrors of October 7, 2023, or of Iran’s intentions. It would be possible to invest more in “soft power”-type diplomacy, such as the export of culture and cooperation in areas of mutual interest. 

But all these cannot compensate for vague policy, like “total victory,” as promoted by the prime minister. The refusal to discuss “the day after,” coupled with wide support within the coalition for settling Gaza, does not explain (except those who think we can do no wrong) to what specific ends Israel continues to fight, to harm and to be harmed. 

No hasbara can bridge the gap between Israel’s definition as a democracy and the mass legalization of “young settlements,” with its implicit annexation of the West Bank and its disempowered residents. “But they…” must be part of the explanation. And us? What do we want? What is our goal, beyond slogans? 

True, antisemitism is the source of many of the problems facing Israel. They are exacerbated by a shortage of means. But not everything arises from that. Not everything can be explained, not everything is hasbara-able.

The writer was Israel’s first ambassador to the Baltic states after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, ambassador to South Africa, and congressional liaison officer at the embassy in Washington. She is a graduate of Israel’s National Defense College.